'Korean Dream' toward a unified Korea

The Korea Times is featuring a special monthly series of commentaries that examine the opportunities and prospects for building a free and unified Korea inspired by the 'Korean Dream.' -ED.

By Hyunjin Preston Moon

We recently celebrated the 104th anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement of 1919. Most Koreans acknowledge the significance of this day that launched efforts toward independence from Japanese colonial rule. More than two million Koreans in 1,500 towns and communities across the peninsula united their disparate voices in support of Korea's declaration for independence. Also referred to as the "Mansei" demonstrations, these peaceful protest marches were held throughout March and April of 1919 until brutally suppressed by Japan.

As peace negotiations began at the end of World War I, many colonized peoples were inspired by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's "Fourteen Points" which included a provision for national self-determination. They believed that Wilson's idealized vision for a new global order would open the door to independence from imperial oppression. Many, including Korea, sought representation at the Paris peace talks but to no avail.

As Japan was one of the five great powers that dominated the talks, the Korean representative was shut out from the discussions as the victors reconfigured the globe in their own interests, ignoring the principle Wilson proposed when it did not suit them. Given this context, it was amazing that the Korean people launched their movement for independence before the completion of the talks with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 28, 1919.

The Korean Declaration of Independence was signed by 33 representatives of widely diverse social, religious and cultural groups. It laid the moral vision for a grassroots movement that inspired more than a tenth of the total population of the peninsula to participate despite the clear dire consequences. One must recognize that this was organized in a primarily agrarian society under a hostile foreign regime with no international support, and long before the age of social media.

It drew upon the founding ideals of the Korean people rooted in "Hongikingan" which includes the mandate by heaven "to live for the greater benefit of humanity." Thus, the movement for independence was not just about national sovereignty but a higher moral ideal with broader implications for Asia and the world: "We claim independence in the interest of the eternal and free development of our people and in accordance with the great movement for world reform based upon the awakening conscience of mankind. This is the clear command of heaven, the course of our times, and a legitimate manifestation of the right of all nations to coexist and live in harmony."

Unlike other declarations for independence that listed grievances at their oppressors' wrongdoing, it did "not intend to accuse Japan of infidelity for its violations … despite their disregard for the ancient origins of our society and the brilliant spirit of our people, we shall not blame Japan; we must first blame ourselves before finding fault in others." It continues by stating, "we must chart a new course for ourselves in accord with the solemn dictates of conscience, not malign and reject others for reasons of past enmity or momentary passions."

Deeply embedded in the providential mandate of Hongikingan, Korea's movement for independence strove to build an ideal nation that would have regional and global consequences: "Independence for Korea today shall not only enable Koreans to lead a normal, prosperous life, as is their due; it will also guide Japan to leave its evil path and perform its great task of supporting the cause in the East, liberating China from a gnawing uneasiness and fear and helping the cause of world peace and happiness for mankind, which depends greatly on peace in the East."

The movement became a light in the early 20th century for nationalist movements in other colonized countries, such as India that had been striving for independence from British rule. In 1929, Asia's first Nobel laureate, the Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, wrote the "Lamp of the East" where he said:

"In the Golden Age of Asia
Korea was one of the lamp-bearers
That lamp waits to be lighted once again
For the illumination of the East."

A contemporary of Mahatma Gandhi, Tagore was a critic of some strong nativist tendencies in the Indian independence movement, recognizing that although India had a right to national sovereignty it should not be anti-foreign or spurn the developments of the West. Thus, it is understandable that he would be attracted to the moral spirit and vision of the Korean independence movement which sought to promote the best of East and West as well as embrace its oppressors to build a better region and world.

Tragically, although Korea was a leader in shaping the independence movements of the twentieth century, it has yet to realize the aspiration of its own independence movement in creating a model, ideal nation. A brief window of opportunity opened in 1945 after national liberation but it was quickly closed by the artificial division of the peninsula and the confrontational geopolitics of the Cold War. With German unification and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, the Korean people are the only ones that still must contend with the unfortunate legacy of colonialism and the Cold War well into the 21st century. That task, to fulfill our ancestors' hopes, falls to us today.

As Koreans, we must recognize that this is the most consequential moment in the history of our people. The rise of statist powers in the heart of Asia is leading to a more dangerous geopolitical environment in this region and world. The war in Ukraine is resurrecting old Cold War alignments. Meanwhile, China's threats against Taiwan, as well as the ongoing threat of North Korea's nuclear program, have made East Asia the vortex of an impending storm that includes the militarization of Japan.

Over a century ago, our forefathers dreamt of building a model Korean nation that would inspire the world and lead to peace. Today, we should pick up that noble mantle and strive to complete what they began. We are destined to become more than who we currently are in both the North and the South. The old Cold War paradigm should be cast aside as a foreign construct, and a new one adopted where all Koreans unite together to build a new nation aligned with the aspirations of our ancestors and our founding.

I call this the Korean Dream and have described it in my book entitled "The Korean Dream: Vision for a Unified Korea." Central to the creation of this new nation should be the founding ideal of Hongikingan that our people "should benefit all humanity." Thus, it should reflect the best of East and West as well as carry the lofty moral ideals of the independence movement that even sought to embrace our oppressors for the betterment of the region and world.

The Korean Dream is being promoted nationwide by Action for Korea United, an unprecedented coalition of over 1,000 civil society organizations. It has embarked on a three-year campaign to promote the Korean Dream, culminating on the 80th anniversary of Korea's Liberation Day in October 2025. Imagine the impact if tens of millions of Koreans, in towns and cities around the South and across the diaspora, mobilize around a singular common vision for a future unified people and nation, very much like our ancestors did over a hundred years ago. It will spark a second March 1 movement that could break down the physical, ideological, cultural and mental divide among Koreans and open the door to unification and the creation of a new nation. This is our moment. As Koreans, let's seize this opportunity by owning the Korean Dream.

Hyunjin Preston Moon is chairman and founder of Global Peace Foundation.